Friday, December 12, 2008

John Kenneth Galbraith

John Kenneth Galbraith


Western economists
20th century economists
(Institutional economics)
Full name John Kenneth Galbraith
Birth October 15, 1908
Iona Station, Ontario, Canada
Death April 29, 2006 (aged 97)
Cambridge, Massachusetts
School/tradition Institutional economics
Main interests Economics, Political economy
Notable ideas Keynesian economics, institutional economics

John Kenneth Galbraith, OC (October 15, 1908–April 29, 2006) was a Canadian-American economist. He was a Keynesian and an institutionalist, a leading proponent of 20th-century American liberalism and progressivism. His books on economic topics were bestsellers in the 1950s and the 1960s.

Galbraith was a prolific author who produced four dozen books and over a thousand articles on various subjects. Among his most famous works was a popular trilogy on economics, American Capitalism (1952), The Affluent Society (1958), and The New Industrial State (1967). He taught at Harvard University for many years. Galbraith was active in politics, serving in the administrations of Franklin D. Roosevelt, Harry S. Truman, John F. Kennedy and Lyndon B. Johnson; and among other roles served as United States Ambassador to India under Kennedy.

He was one of the few honorees who received the Presidential Medal of Freedom twice. He received one in 1946 from President Truman and another in 2000 from President Bill Clinton.[1] He was also awarded the Order of Canada in 1997[2] and, in 2001, the Padma Vibhushan, India's second highest civilian award, for his contributions to strengthening ties between India and the United States.[3]


Life

Early life and teaching

Galbraith was born to Canadians of Scottish descent, Bruce Alexander Galbraith and Sarah Catherine Kendall, in Iona Station, Ontario, Canada, and was raised in Dunwich Township, Ontario. He went to school at Sugar-Salem High School. His father was a farmer and school teacher and mother a political activist. He was sent to boarding school Appleby College of nearby Oakville, Ontario for the final two years of high school. Both his parents were supporters of the United Farmers of Ontario in the 1920s. After initially studying agriculture, Galbraith graduated from the Ontario Agricultural College (then affiliated with the University of Toronto, and now the University of Guelph) with a B.Sc degree in 1931, and then received an M.Sc (1933) and Ph.D in Agricultural Economics (1934) from the University of California, Berkeley. In 1934, he also became a tutor at Harvard University. In 1937, he became a United States citizen. In the same year, he took a year-long fellowship at Cambridge University, England, where he became influenced by John Maynard Keynes, then lived in Berlin for several months in 1938, attending an international economic conference and developing his ideas. Galbraith was a very tall man, growing to a reported height of 6'9" [206 cm].

Galbraith taught intermittently at Harvard in the period 1934 to 1939.[4] From 1939 to 1940, he taught at Princeton University. From 1943 until 1948, he served as editor of Fortune magazine. In 1949, he was appointed professor of economics at Harvard.

World War II and Price Administration

During World War II, Galbraith, charged with keeping inflation from crippling the war effort, served as deputy head of the Office of Price Administration. Although little appreciated at the time, the actual power he wielded in this position was so great that he joked later that the rest of his career had been downhill. At the end of the war, he was asked to be one of the leaders of the Strategic Bombing Surveys of both Europe and Japan. These reports concluded the costs outweighed the anticipated benefits and did not shorten the war in the case of Germany. However, they found that the war against Japan had proved beyond question the success of bombing and went on to call for additional funding and the creation of an independent American Air Force (AAF). After the war, he became an adviser to post-war administrations in Germany and Japan.

Political posts under Kennedy

Galbraith, far left, as US ambassador to India, 1961

During his time as an adviser to President John F. Kennedy, Galbraith was appointed as United States Ambassador to India from 1961 to 1963. His rapport with President Kennedy was such that he regularly bypassed the State Department and sent his diplomatic cables directly to the President.[5] In India, he became an intimate of Prime Minister Jawaharlal Nehru, and extensively advised the Indian government on economic matters; he harshly criticised Louis Mountbatten, the last Viceroy of British rule, for Mountbatten's passive role in the Partition of India in 1947 and the bloody partition of the Punjab and Bengal. While in India, he helped establish one of the first computer science departments, at the Indian Institute of Technology in Kanpur, Uttar Pradesh. Even after leaving office, Galbraith remained a friend and supporter of India and even hosted a lunch for Indian students at Harvard every year on graduation day.

Because of his recommendation, First Lady of the United States Jacqueline Bouvier Kennedy undertook her diplomatic missions in India and Pakistan.

Family

Galbraith married Catherine Merriam Atwater on September 17, 1937, whom he met while she was a Radcliffe student. They resided in Cambridge, Massachusetts, and had a summer home in Newfane, Vermont. They had four sons: J. Alan Galbraith is a partner in the prominent Washington D.C. law firm Williams & Connolly; Douglas Galbraith died in childhood of leukemia; Peter W. Galbraith has been a US diplomat who served as Ambassador to Croatia and is a widely published commentator on American foreign policy - particularly in the Balkans and the Middle East; James K. Galbraith is a prominent progressive economist at the University of Texas Lyndon B. Johnson School of Public Affairs. The Galbraiths also have ten grandchildren. [3]

Later life and recognition

In 1972 he served as president of the American Economic Association.[6]

In 1985, the American Humanist Association named him the Humanist of the Year.

In 1997 he was made an Officer of the Order of Canada[7] and in 2000 he was awarded his second U. S. Presidential Medal of Freedom. Also in 2000, he was awarded the Leontief Prize for his outstanding contribution to economic theory by the Global Development and Environment Institute.

He was awarded an honorary doctorate from Memorial University of Newfoundland at the fall convocation of 1999.[8]

On April 29, 2006, Galbraith died at Mount Auburn Hospital in Cambridge, Massachusetts of natural causes, after a two-week stay in the hospital.

Works

Although he was a president of the American Economic Association, Galbraith was considered an iconoclast by many economists. This is because he rejected the technical analyses and mathematical models of neoclassical economics as being divorced from reality. Rather, following Thorstein Veblen, he believed that economic activity could not be distilled into inviolable laws, but rather was a complex product of the cultural and political milieu in which it occurs. In particular, he believed that important factors such as advertising, the separation between corporate ownership and management, oligopoly, and the influence of government and military spending had been largely neglected by most economists because they are not amenable to axiomatic descriptions. In this sense, he worked as much in political economy as in classical economics.

His work included several best selling works throughout the fifties and sixties. After his retirement, he remained in the public consciousness by continuing to write new books and revise his old works as well as presenting a major series on economics for BBC television in 1977.[9] However, from the Nixon presidency onwards, he was regarded as something of an anachronism, as the public discourse centered more and more around the pro-market, small-government, anti-regulation and low-tax orthodoxies which came to prominence in the 1980s. In addition to his books, he wrote hundreds of essays and a number of novels. Among his novels, A Tenured Professor in particular achieved critical acclaim.

Economics books

In American Capitalism: The Concept of Countervailing Power, published in 1952, Galbraith outlined how the American economy in the future would be managed by a triumvirate of big business, big labor, and an activist government. Galbraith termed the reaction of lobby groups and unions "countervailing power." He contrasted this arrangement with the previous pre-depression era where big business had relatively free rein over the economy.

His 1954 bestseller The Great Crash, 1929 describes the famous Wall Street melt down of stock prices and how markets progressively become decoupled from reality in a speculative boom. The book is also a platform for Galbraith's keen insights, and humour, into human behaviour when wealth is threatened. It has never been out of print.

In his most famous work, The Affluent Society (1958), which also became a bestseller, Galbraith outlined his view that to become successful, post-World War II America should make large investments in items such as highways and education using funds from general taxation.

Galbraith also critiqued the assumption that continually increasing material production is a sign of economic and societal health. Because of this Galbraith is sometimes considered one of the first post-materialists. In this book, he popularized the phrase "conventional wisdom".(Galbraith, 1958 The Affluent Society: Chapter 2 "The Concept of Conventional Wisdom")

Galbraith worked on the book while in Switzerland, and had originally titled it Why The Poor Are Poor but changed it to The Affluent Society at his wife's suggestion.[10]

The Affluent Society contributed (likely to a significant degree, given that Galbraith had the ear of President Kennedy [11]) to the "war on poverty," the government spending policy first brought on by the administrations of Kennedy and Johnson.

In The New Industrial State (1967), Galbraith argues that very few industries in the United States fit the model of perfect competition. A third related work was Economics and the Public Purpose (1973), in which he expanded on these themes by discussing, among other issues, the subservient role of women in the unrewarded management of ever-greater consumption, and the role of the technostructure in the large firm in influencing perceptions of sound economic policy aims.

In A Short History of Financial Euphoria (1990), He traces speculative bubbles through several centuries, and argues that they are inherent in the economic system because of "mass psychology" and the "vested interest in error that accompanies speculative euphoria." Also, financial memory is "notoriously short": what currently seems to be a "new financial instrument" is inevitably nothing of the sort. Galbraith cautions: "The world of finance hails the invention of the wheel over and over again, often in a slightly more unstable version." Crucial to his analysis is the assertion that the common factor in boom and bust is the creation of debt to finance speculation, which "becomes dangerously out of scale in relation to the underlying means of payment".

He was an important figure in 20th century institutional economics, and provides perhaps the exemplar institutionalist perspective on Economic Power[12].

Galbraith cherished The New Industrial State and The Affluent Society as his two best.[13] Economist and friend of Galbraith Michael Sharpe visited Galbraith in 2004, on which occasion Galbraith gifted him with a copy of what would be Galbraith's last book, The Economics of Innocent Fraud. Galbraith confided in Sharpe that "[t]his is my best book", an assertion Galbraith delivered "a little mischievously."

Some of Galbraith's Ideas

In The Affluent Society Galbraith asserts that classical economic theory was true for the eras before the present, which were times of "poverty"; now, however, we have moved from an age of poverty to an age of "affluence," and for such an age, a completely new economic theory is needed.

Galbraith's main argument is that as society becomes relatively more affluent, so private business must "create" consumer wants through advertising, and while this generates artificial affluence through the production of commercial goods and services, the public sector becomes neglected as a result. He points out that while many Americans were able to purchase luxury items, their parks were polluted and their children attended poorly maintained schools. He argues that markets alone will underprovide (or fail to provide at all) for many public goods, whereas private goods are typically 'overprovided' due to the process of advertising creating an artificial demand above the individual's basic needs.

Galbraith proposed curbing the consumption of certain products through greater use of consumption taxes, arguing that this could be more efficient than other forms of taxation, such as labour or land taxes.

Galbraith's major proposal was a program he called "investment in men" — a large-scale publicly-funded education program aimed at empowering ordinary citizens. Galbraith wished to entrust citizens with the future of the American republic.

Criticism of Galbraith's Work

Galbraith's work, in general, and The Affluent Society, in particular, have drawn sharp criticism from free-market supporters at the time of its publication. Monetarist Milton Friedman in "Friedman on Galbraith, and on curing the British disease" views Galbraith as a 20th century version of the early 19th century Tory radical of Great Britain. He asserts that Galbraith believes in the superiority of aristocracy and in its paternalistic authority, that consumers should not be allowed choice and that all should be determined by those with "higher minds":

Richard Parker, in his biography John Kenneth Galbraith: His Life, His Economics, His Politics, characterizes Galbraith as more complex. Galbraith's primary purpose in Capitalism: The Concept of Countervailing Power (1952) was, ironically, to show that big business was now necessary to the American economy to maintain the technological progress that drives economic growth. However, Galbraith saw the necessity of "countervailing power," not only including government regulation and oversight, but also collective bargaining, and the suasion that large retailers and distributors could bring to bear on large producers and suppliers. In The New Industrial State (1967), Galbraith argued that the dominant American corporations had created a technostructure that closely controlled both consumer demand and market growth through advertising and marketing. While Galbraith defended government intervention, Parker notes that he also believed that government and big business worked together to maintain stability.[15]

Paul Krugman, the influential, Nobel Prize–winning Princeton University professor and New York Times op-ed columnist, has denigrated Galbraith's stature as an economist. In Peddling Prosperity: Economic Sense and Nonsense in an Age of Diminished Expectations, he calls Galbraith a "policy entrepreneur" – an economist who writes solely for the public, as opposed to one who writes for other professors, and who therefore makes unwarranted diagnoses and offers over-simplistic answers to complex economic problems. He asserts that Galbraith was never taken seriously by fellow academics, who viewed him as more of a "media personality". For example, Krugman believes that Galbraith's work The New Industrial State is not considered to be "real economic theory", and that Economics in Perspective is "remarkably ill-informed".[16]

Memoirs

The Scotch (published in the UK under two alternative titles as Made to Last and The Non-potable Scotch: A Memoir of the Clansmen in Canada)[17] (illustrated by Samuel H. Bryant), Galbraith's account of his boyhood environment in southern Ontario, was written in 1963.

Galbraith's 1981 memoir, A Life in Our Times[18] stimulated discussion of his thought, his life and times after his retirement from academic life. In 2004, the publication of an authorised biography, John Kenneth Galbraith: His Life, His Politics, His Economics[19] by friend and fellow progressive economist Richard Parker, renewed interest in his career and ideas.



Amartya Sen

Born
November 3, 1933 (1933-11-03) (age 75)Santiniketan, West Bengal, India
Residence
United States
Nationality
India
Fields
Economics, philosophy
Institutions
Harvard UniversityCornell UniversityCambridge UniversityOxford UniversityLondon School of EconomicsDelhi School of EconomicsPrinceton UniversityJadavpur University
Alma mater
Trinity College, Cambridge (Ph.D.)(B.A.)Presidency College, Kolkata (B.A.)Visva-Bharati University, Santiniketan (matriculation)
Known for
Welfare EconomicsHuman development theory
Influences
John Rawls
Notable awards
Nobel Memorial Prize in Economic Sciences (1998)Bharat Ratna (1999)
Religious stance
Atheist
Amartya Kumar Sen CH (Hon) (Bengali: অমর্ত্য কুমার সেন Ômorto Kumar Shen) (born 3 November 1933), is a Bengali Indian economist, philosopher, and a winner of the Nobel Memorial Prize in Economic Sciences in 1998, "for his contributions to welfare economics" for his work on famine, human development theory, welfare economics, the underlying mechanisms of poverty, and political liberalism.
From 1998 to 2004 he was Master of Trinity College at Cambridge University, becoming the first Asian academic to head an Oxbridge college. Amartya Sen is interested in the debate over globalization. He has given lectures to senior executives of the World Bank and is a former honorary president of Oxfam.
Among his many contributions to development economics, Sen has produced work on gender inequality. He is currently the Lamont University Professor at Harvard University. Amartya Sen's books have been translated into more than thirty languages. He is a trustee of Economists for Peace and Security.

Biography

Personal life
Sen's maternal grandfather Kshitimohan Sen is a renowned scholar of medieval Indian literature, an authority on the philosophy of Hinduism and a close associate of Rabindranath Tagore in Santiniketan, who became the second Vice Chancellor of Visva-Bharati University, Santiniketan. Sen's father was Ashutosh Sen and mother Amita Sen who were born at Manikganj, Dhaka. His father taught chemistry at Dhaka University (now in Bangladesh) and later became Chairman of the West Bengal Public Services Commission. Sen's first wife was Nabaneeta Dev Sen, a much loved Indian writer and scholar, with whom he had two children: Antara and Nandana. Their marriage broke up shortly after they moved to London in 1971. In 1973, he married his second wife, Eva Colorni, who died from stomach cancer quite suddenly in 1985. They had two children, Indrani and Kabir. His present wife is Emma Georgina Rothschild, an economic historian, and an expert on Adam Smith and Fellow of King's College, Cambridge.
Sen brought up his youngest children on his own. Indrani is a journalist in New York, and Kabir teaches music at Shady Hill School in Cambridge, and has produced 3 of his own hip-hop Albums. His eldest daughter Antara Dev Sen is a notable Indian journalist who, along with her husband Pratik Kanjilal, publishes "The Little Magazine". Nandana Sen is a noted Bollywood actor.
Sen usually spends winter holidays at his home in India, where he likes to go on long bike rides, and maintains a house in Cambridge, Massachusetts, where he and Emma spend the spring and long vacations. Asked how he relaxes, he replies: "I read a lot and like arguing with people."

Education and career
Sen was born in Santiniketan, West Bengal, the University town established by the poet Rabindranath Tagore, another Indian Nobel Prize winner. His ancestral home was in Wari, Dhaka in modern-day Bangladesh. Rabindranath Tagore is said to have given Amartya Sen his name ("Amartya" meaning "immortal").
Sen began his high-school education at St Gregory's School in Dhaka in 1941, in modern-day Bangladesh. His family migrated to India following partition in 1947. Sen studied in India at the Visva-Bharati University school and Presidency College, Kolkata before moving to Trinity College, Cambridge, where he earned a First Class First (Congratulatory First) BA (Honours) in 1956 and then a Ph.D. in 1959. While still an undergraduate student of Trinity College he met Prasanta Chandra Mahalanobis in Cambridge. Mahalanobis, after returning to Calcutta, recommended Sen to Triguna Sen, then the Education Minister of West Bengal. Triguna Sen appointed him as Professor and Head of Department of Economics at Jadavpur University, Calcutta, his very first appointment, at the age of 23. Between 19601961, he taught at Massachusetts Institute of Technology as a visiting professor.[1] He has taught economics at Calcutta, Jadavpur University, Delhi, Oxford (where he was first a Professor of Economics at Nuffield College and then the Drummond Professor of Political Economy and a Fellow of All Souls College), London School of Economics, Harvard and was Master of Trinity College, Cambridge, between 1998 and 2004.[2] In January 2004 Sen returned to Harvard. He is also a contributor to the Eva Colorni Trust at the former London Guildhall University.
In May 2007, he was appointed as chairman of Nalanda Mentor Group to steer the execution of Nalanda University Project, which seeks to revive the ancient seat of learning at Nalanda, Bihar, India into an international university.

Research
Sen's papers in the late 1960s and early 1970s helped develop the theory of social choice, which first came to prominence in the work by the American economist Kenneth Arrow, who, while working at the RAND Corporation, famously proved that all voting rules, be they majority rule or two thirds-majority or status quo, must inevitably conflict with some basic democratic norm. Sen's contribution to the literature was to show under what conditions Arrow's Impossibility Theorem would indeed come to pass as well as to extend and enrich the theory of social choice, informed by his interests in history of economic thought and philosophy.
In 1981, Sen published Poverty and Famines: An Essay on Entitlement and Deprivation (1981), a book in which he demonstrated that famine occurs not only from a lack of food, but from inequalities built into mechanisms for distributing food. Sen's interest in famine stemmed from personal experience. As a nine-year-old boy, he witnessed the Bengal famine of 1943, in which three million people perished. This staggering loss of life was unnecessary, Sen later concluded. He presents data that there was an adequate food supply in Bengal at the time, but particular groups of people including rural landless labourers and urban service providers like haircutters did not have the monetary means to acquire food as its price rose rapidly due to factors that include British military acquisition, panic buying, hoarding, and price gouging, all connected to the war in the region. In Poverty and Famines, Sen revealed that in many cases of famine, food supplies were not significantly reduced. In Bengal, for example, food production, while down on the previous year, was higher than in previous non-famine years. Thus, Sen points to a number of social and economic factors, such as declining wages, unemployment, rising food prices, and poor food-distribution systems. These issues led to starvation among certain groups in society. His capabilities approach focuses on positive freedom, a person's actual ability to be or do something, rather than on negative freedom approaches, which are common in economics and simply focuses on non-interference. In the Bengal famine, rural laborers' negative freedom to buy food was not affected. However, they still starved because they were not positively free to do anything, they did not have the functioning of nourishment, nor the capability to escape morbidity.
In addition to his important work on the causes of famines, Sen's work in the field of development economics has had considerable influence in the formulation of the Human Development Report, published by the United Nations Development Programme. This annual publication that ranks countries on a variety of economic and social indicators owes much to the contributions by Sen among other social choice theorists in the area of economic measurement of poverty and inequality.
Sen's revolutionary contribution to development economics and social indicators is the concept of 'capability' developed in his article "Equality of What." He argues that governments should be measured against the concrete capabilities of their citizens. This is because top-down development will always trump human rights as long as the definition of terms remains in doubt (is a 'right' something that must be provided or something that simply cannot be taken away?). For instance, in the United States citizens have a hypothetical "right" to vote. To Sen, this concept is fairly empty. In order for citizens to have a capacity to vote, they first must have "functionings." These "functionings" can range from the very broad, such as the availability of education, to the very specific, such as transportation to the polls. Only when such barriers are removed can the citizen truly be said to act out of personal choice. It is up to the individual society to make the list of minimum capabilities guaranteed by that society. For an example of the "capabilities approach" in practice, see Martha Nussbaum's Women and Human Development.
He wrote a controversial article in the New York Review of Books entitled "More Than 100 Million Women Are Missing", analyzing the mortality impact of unequal rights between the genders in the developing world, particularly Asia. Other studies, such as one by Emily Oster, have argued that this is an overestimation, though Oster has recanted some of her conclusions.

Sen was seen as a ground-breaker among late twentieth-century economists for his insistence on discussing issues seen as marginal by most economists. He mounted one of the few major challenges to the economic model that posited self-interest as the prime motivating factor of human activity. While his line of thinking remains peripheral, there is no question that his work helped to re-prioritize a significant sector of economists and development workers, even the policies of the United Nations.
Welfare economics seeks to evaluate economic policies in terms of their effects on the well-being of the community. Sen, who devoted his career to such issues, was called the "conscience of his profession." His influential monograph Collective Choice and Social Welfare (1970), which addressed problems related to individual rights (including formulation of the liberal paradox), justice and equity, majority rule, and the availability of information about individual conditions, inspired researchers to turn their attention to issues of basic welfare. Sen devised methods of measuring poverty that yielded useful information for improving economic conditions for the poor. For instance, his theoretical work on inequality provided an explanation for why there are fewer women than men in India and China despite the fact that in the West and in poor but medically unbiased countries, women have lower mortality rates at all ages, live longer, and make a slight majority of the population. Sen claimed that this skewed ratio results from the better health treatment and childhood opportunities afforded boys in those countries, as well as sex-specific abortion.
Governments and international organizations handling food crises were influenced by Sen's work. His views encouraged policy makers to pay attention not only to alleviating immediate suffering but also to finding ways to replace the lost income of the poor, as, for example, through public-works projects, and to maintain stable prices for food. A vigorous defender of political freedom, Sen believed that famines do not occur in functioning democracies because their leaders must be more responsive to the demands of the citizens. In order for economic growth to be achieved, he argued, social reforms, such as improvements in education and public health, must precede economic reform.
Although Sen is a self-proclaimed atheist, he claims that this can be associated with Hinduism as a political entity

Sen is criticized as anti-market proponent by some economists, and as uncritical of globalization by others.[8] Sen cites Peter Bauer as a major influence on his thinking.

Criticism
Amartya Sen has been criticized for his writings outside of economics, especially for his views on the history of Islam and Jihad, by Fouad Ajami in The Washington Post.[9]
Historian Mark Tauger disagrees with Sen that food availability wasn't a problem in 1940s Bengal and argues that the famine was mainly the result of a natural disaster.[10]

Honours and awards
He received the Nobel Memorial Prize in Economics for his work in welfare economics in 1998.
He received the Bharat Ratna, the highest civilian award in India 1999.
In 1999 he received honorary citizenship of Bangladesh from Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina in recognition of his achievements in winning the Nobel Prize, and given that his family origins were in what has become the modern state of Bangladesh
He received the 2000 Leontief Prize for his outstanding contribution to economic theory from the Global Development and Environment Institute.
In 2002 he received the International Humanist Award from the International Humanist and Ethical Union.
Eisenhower Medal, for Leadership and Service USA, 2000;
Companion of Honour, UK, 2000.
In 2003, he was conferred the Lifetime Achievement Award by the Indian Chamber of Commerce.
Life Time Achievement award by Bangkok-based United Nations Economic and Social Commission for Asia and the Pacific (UNESCAP)

Publications
Identity and Violence: The Illusion of Destiny (Issues of Our Time), W. W. Norton, 2006
The Argumentative Indian, 2005
Rationality and Freedom, 2004
Inequality Reexamined, 2004
Development as Freedom, 1999
Freedom, Rationality, and Social Choice: The Arrow Lectures and Other essays, 2000
Reason Before Identity, 1999
Choice of Techniques, 1960;
Collective Choice and Social Welfare, 1970, Holden-Day, 1984, Elsevier. Description.;
On Economic Inequality, 1973;
Poverty and Famines: an Essay on Entitlement and Deprivation, 1981;
Hunger and Public Action, jointly edited with Jean Dreze, 1989;
India: Economic Development and Social Opportunity, with Jean Dreze, 1995;
Commodities and Capabilities, 1999
Sen, Amartya, On Economic Inequality, New York, Norton, 1973 (Expanded edition with a substantial annexe by James E. Foster and A. Sen, 1997);
Sen, Amartya, Poverty and Famines : An Essay on Entitlements and Deprivation, Oxford, Clarendon Press, 1982
Sen, Amartya, Choice, Welfare and Measurement, Oxford, Basil Blackwell, 1982
Sen, Amartya, Food Economics and Entitlements, Helsinki, Wider Working Paper 1, 1986
Sen, Amartya, On Ethics and Economics, Oxford, Basil Blackwell, 1987.
Drèze, Jean and Sen, Amartya, Hunger and Public Action. Oxford: Clarendon Press. 1989.
Sen, Amartya, More Than 100 Million Women Are Missing. New York Review of Books, 1990.


Sen, Amartya, Inequality Reexamined, Oxford, Oxford University Press, 1992.
Nussbaum, Martha, and Sen, Amartya. The Quality of Life. Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1993
Sen, Amartya, Reason Before Identity (The Romanes Lecture for 1998), Oxford, Oxford University Press, 1999. ISBN 0-19-951389-9
Sen, Amartya, Development as Freedom, Oxford, Oxford University Press, 1999 (Review by the Asia Times)
Sen, Amartya, Rationality and Freedom, arvard, Harvard Belknap Press, 2002
Sen, Amartya, The Argumentative Indian, London: Allen Lane, 2005. (Review by the Guardian, Review by the Washington Post)
Sen, Amartya, Identity and Violence. The Illusion of Destiny. New York W&W Norton.
Sen, Amartya, An Aspect of Indian Agriculture, Economic Weekly, Vol. 14, 1962
Other Publications on Google Scholar


George Stigler
Born
January 17, 1911Seattle, Washington, U.S.
Died
December 1, 1991Chicago, Illinois, U.S.
Nationality
United States
Fields
Economics
Institutions
University of Chicago
Alma mater
Northwestern University, University of Chicago
Doctoral advisor
Frank Knight
Notable students
Thomas Sowell
Known for
Capture theory
Notable awards
Nobel Memorial Prize in Economic Sciences (1982)National Medal of Science (1987)
George Joseph Stigler (January 17, 1911December 1, 1991) was a U.S. economist. He won the Nobel Memorial Prize in Economic Sciences in 1982, and was a key leader of the Chicago School of Economics, along with his close friend Milton Friedman.
While at Chicago, he was greatly influenced by Frank Knight, his dissertation supervisor. Milton Friedman, a friend for over sixty years, comments it as a remarkable feat since only three or four students ever managed to complete their PhD dissertation under Knight in 28 years of his service at Chicago. Jakob Viner and Henry Simons also had great influence on him. Among his students, Allen Wallis and Milton Friedman also had great impact on his economic thinking.
Stigler is best known for developing the Economic Theory of Regulation, also known as capture, which says that interest groups and other political participants will use the regulatory and coercive powers of government to shape laws and regulations in a way that is beneficial to them. This theory is an important component of the Public Choice field of economics. He also carried out extensive research into the history of economic thought.
His 1962 article "Information in the Labor Market" developed the theory of search unemployment.
In his book, The Intellectual and the Marketplace, he proposed Stigler's Law of Demand and Supply Elasticities that "all demand curves are inelastic, and all supply curves are inelastic, too." He referenced many studies that found most goods and services to be inelastic over the long run. From that and a proof by Alfred Marshall that "the third condition [for inelastic demand] is that only a small part of the expenses of production of the commodity should consist of the price", he also proposed that "since most or all specific costs of production are relatively small, and entrepreneurs do not bother with small costs, ... they do not bother with costs at all. Hence they do not maximize profits."
Stigler was born in Seattle, Washington, attended the University of Washington and Northwestern University, and received his Ph.D. from the University of Chicago in 1938. He spent much of World War II at Columbia University, performing mathematical and statistical research for the Manhattan Project. He later served on the Columbia faculty from 1947 to 1958.
Stigler was a founding member of the Mont Pelerin Society, and served as its president from 1976 to 1978.
He also received National Medal of Science in 1987.

Bibliography
(1941) Production and Distribution Theories: 1870-1895. New York: Macmillan.
(1961). “The Economics of Information,” Journal of Political Economy, June. (JSTOR)
(1962). The Intellectual and the Marketplace. Selected Papers, no. 3. Chicago: University of Chicago Graduate School of Business.
(1963). (With Paul Samuelson) "A Dialogue on the Proper Economic Role of the State." Selected Papers, no.7. Chicago: University of Chicago Graduate School of Business.
(1963). Capital and Rates of Return in Manufacturing Industries. National Bureau of Economic Research, Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press.
(1965). Essays in the History of Economics. Chicago: University of Chicago Press.
(1970). (With J.K. Kindahl) The Behavior of Industrial Prices. National Bureau of Economic Research, New York: Columbia University Press.
(1971). "The Theory of Economic Regulation." Bell Journal of Economics and Management Science, no. 3,pp. 3-18.
(1975). Citizen and the State: Essays on Regulation.
(1982). "The Process and Progress of Economics," Nobel Memorial Lecture, 8 December (with bibliography).
(1982). The Economist as Preacher, and Other Essays. Chicago: University of Chicago Press.
(1983). The Organization of Industry.
(1985). Memoirs of an Unregulated Economist, autobiography.
(1986). The Essence of Stigler (ISBN 0-8179-8462-3) essays edited by Kurt R. Leube.
(1987). The Theory of Price, Fourth Edition. New York: Macmillan.
(1988), ed. Chicago Studies in Political Economy.


Gary Becker


Birth
December 2, 1930 (1930-12-02) (age 78)
Nationality
American
Field
Law and economics
Influences
Milton Friedman
Contributions
Analysis of human capitalRotten kid theorem
Gary Stanley Becker (born December 2, 1930) is an American economist and a Nobel laureate. Born in Pottsville, Pennsylvania, Becker earned a B.A. at Princeton University in 1951 and a Ph.D. at the University of Chicago in 1955. He taught at Columbia University from 1957 to 1968, and then returned to Chicago, where he holds joint appointments with the department of economics and sociology and the graduate school of business. Becker won the John Bates Clark Medal in 1967, was awarded the Nobel Prize in Economics in 1992, and received the United States' Presidential Medal of Freedom in 2007.
Becker was one of the first economists to branch into what were traditionally considered topics belonging to sociology, including racial discrimination, crime, family organization, and drug addiction (Cf. Freakonomics and Rational addiction). He is known for arguing that many different types of human behavior can be seen as rational and utility maximizing. His approach can include altruistic behavior by defining individuals' utility appropriately. He is also among the foremost exponents of the study of human capital. Becker is also credited with the "rotten kid theorem". He is married to Guity Nashat, an historian of the Middle East whose research interests overlap his own


Nobel Prize
According to the Nobel Prize citation, his work can be categorized into four areas:
investments in human capital
behavior of the family (or household), including distribution of work and allocation of time in the family
crime and punishment
discrimination on the markets for labor and goods.
Becker’s Nobel lecture, "Nobel Lecture: The Economic Way of Looking at Behavior", subsequently published in the Journal of Political Economy, reviews his four key areas of research. He explains that his framework of analysis is not a traditional self-interested motivation but rather an analysis based on a set of assumptions and individual preferences. Yes, agents are maximizing welfare but it is based on individual conception constrained by income, time, and imperfect memory and calculation capabilities. Much of his research focuses on the impact of the rising value of time as a result of economic growth.
Becker also received the National Medal of Science in 2000. He received the Presidential Medal of Freedom from President George W. Bush in November 2007.
Usually considered politically conservative, he wrote a monthly column for Business Week from 1985 to 2004, alternating with liberal Princeton economist Alan Blinder. In December 2004, Becker started a joint weblog with Judge Richard Posner entitled The Becker-Posner Blog.

Discrimination
Becker often includes a variable of taste for discrimination in explaining behavior. He believes that people often mentally increase the cost of a transaction if it is with a minority they discriminate against. His theory held that competition decreases discrimination. If firms were able to specialize in employing mainly minorities and offer better product or service, such a firm could bypass discrepancy in wages etc. between equally productive blacks and whites or females and males.
Becker’s research found that when minorities are a very small percentage the cost of discrimination mainly falls on the minorities. However, when minorities represent a larger percentage of society then the cost of discrimination falls on both the minorities and the majority. He also pioneered research on the impact of self-fulfilling prophecies of teachers and employers on minorities. Such attitudes often lead to less investment in productive skills and education of minorities.

Crime and punishment
Becker’s interest in criminology arose when he was rushed for time one day. He had to weigh the cost and benefits of legally parking in an inconvenient garage versus in an illegal but convenient spot. After roughly calculating the probability of getting caught and potential punishment, Becker rationally opted for the crime. Becker surmised that other criminals make such rational decisions. However, such a premise went against conventional thought that crime was a result of mental illness and social oppression.
While Becker acknowledged that many people operate under a high moral and ethical constraint, criminals rationally see that the benefits of their crime outweigh the cost such as the probability of apprehension, conviction, punishment, as well as their current set of opportunities. From the public policy perspective, since the cost of increasing the fine is marginal to that of the cost of increasing surveillance, one can conclude that the best policy is to maximize the fine and minimize surveillance. However, this conclusion has limits, not the least of which include ethical considerations.
One of the main differences between this theory and Jeremy Bentham's rational choice theory, which had been abandoned in criminology, is that if Bentham considered it possible to completely annihilate crime (through the panopticon), Becker's theory acknowledged that a society could not eradicate crime beneath a certain level. For example, if 25% of a supermarket's products were stolen, it would be very easy to reduce this rate to 15%, quite easy to reduce it until 5%, difficult to reduce it under 3% and nearly impossible to reduce it to zero (a feat which would cost the supermarket, in surveillance, etc., that it would outweigh the benefits).

Human capital
Becker’s research was fundamental in arguing for the augmentability of human capital. When his research was first introduced it was considered very controversial as some considered it debasing. However, he was able to convince many that individuals make choices of investing in human capital based on rational benefits and cost that include a return on investment as well as a cultural aspect.
His research included the impact of positive and negative habits such as punctuality and alcoholism on human capital. He explored the different rates of return for different people and the resulting macroeconomic implications. He also distinguished between general to specific education and their influence on job-lock and promotions.

Families
Becker’s research on human social interactions has had many implications for the family such as for the marriage market, divorce, fertility, and social security. Becker argued that such decisions are made in a marginal-cost and marginal-benefit framework. For example, he concluded that wealthier couples have higher cost to divorce and thus a lower divorce rate.
A major focus of Becker’s research was the impact of higher real wages in increasing the value of time and therefore the cost of home production such as childrearing. As women increase investment in human capital and enter the work force the opportunity cost of childcare rises. Additionally, the increased rate of return to education raises the desire to provide children with formal and costly education. Coupled together, the impact is to lower fertility rates.
A more controversial issue was Becker’s conclusion that parents often act altruistically towards selfish children by highly investing in a child in an effort to indirectly save for old age. Becker believed that the rate of return from investing in children was often greater than normal retirement savings. However, parents can not know for sure that the child will take care of them. Since they cannot legally bind a child to care for them they often resort to manipulation through instilling a sense of “guilt, obligation, duty and filial love that indirectly, but still very effectively... commits children to helping them out.” Becker even went so far as to say that social security can cause families to be less interdependent by removing the motivation of parents to use altruistic behaviors in motivating their children to care for them.
Gary also has a family of his own. He is related, via his sister (the eminent psychoanalyst-artist Natalie Becker), to Swarthmore College RA and Modernist Scholar-in-Training (SIT) Liana Katz, Esq.

Organ Markets
An article by Gary Becker and Julio Elias on "Introducing Incentives in the market for Live and Cadaveric Organ Donations"[1] said that a free market could help solve the problem of a scarcity in organ transplants. Their economic modelling was able to estimate the price tag for human kidneys ($15,000) and human livers ($32,000). It is argued by critics[2], that this particular market would exploitat the underprivileged donors from the developing world. This view was endorsed by the National Kidney Foundation in a testimony to the US Congress where Dr Francis Delmonico argued that "...a US congressional endorsement for payment would propel other countries to sanction unethical and unjust standards...".

Politics

Recent photograph taken in Chicago on May 24, 2008
Becker is also famous for his economic analysis of democracy. He asked what determines the extent to which an interest group can exploit another. The basis of his analysis was the concept of deadweight loss. A thief damages his victim by stealing money and by forcing the victim to dash about replacing credit and identity cards. More technically the interest group harms its victim by taking money and by imposing deadweight losses. Becker’s insight was to recognize that deadweight losses put an exponential break on predation. He took the well-known insight that deadweight losses are proportional to the square of the tax, and used it to argue that a linear increase in takings by a predatory interest group will provoke a non-linear increase in the deadweight losses its victim suffers. These rapidly increasing losses will prod victims to invest equivalent sums in resisting attempts on their wealth. The advance of predators, fueled by linear incentives slows before the stiffening resistance of prey outraged by non-linear damages. Becker’s model has been seen by some as implying that politics are efficient because deadweight losses are a break to predation. This conclusion has weight if we hold constant all other forces that influence political outcomes and the conclusion fits neatly into the hypothesis that virulent predators evolve into benign symbiotes, but the conclusion comes from a partial reading of Becker’s model. The outcome of a contest between interest groups depends also on combatant’s political savvy. Groups with the gift of intrigue, or with more guns, can laugh at deadweight losses and impose their will for generations, as the sad example of African dictatorships shows. Becker’s analysis is so general that its hull can fit around just about any sort of relation between interest groups. The model applies as well to dictatorships as it does to democracies. What is remarkable is that what some may see as a Dr. Seuss version of political modeling can make powerful testable predictions about interest groups.
He is also noted for his advocacy of immigration tariffs.

Publications
Gary S. Becker (1957, 1971, 2nd ed.). The Economics of Discrimination, Chicago, University of Chicago Press. ISBN 0-226-04115-8. UCP descr
Gary S. Becker (1964, 1993, 3rd ed.). Human Capital: A Theoretical and Empirical Analysis, with Special Reference to Education., Chicago, University of Chicago Press. ISBN 978-0-226-04120-9. (UCP descr)
Gary S. Becker (1965) “A Theory of the Allocation of Time,”] Economic Journal 75 (299), pp. 493-517.
Gary Becker (1968). "Crime and Punishment: An Economic Approach". The Journal of Political Economy 76: pp. 169–217.
Gary Becker and H. Gregg Lewis (1973). "On the Interaction between the Quantity and Quality of Children". The Journal of Political Economy 81: pp. S279–S288.
Gary S. Becker and Gilbert Ghez (1975). The Allocation of Time and Goods Over the Life Cycle, New York, Columbia University Press. ISBN 0-87014-514-2.
Gary S. Becker (1976). The Economic Approach to Human Behavior. Links to chapter previews. University of Chicago Press.
Gary Becker and George J. Stigler (1977). "De Gustibus Non Est Disputandum". The American Economic Review 67(2): pp. 76–90 (different pagination).
Gary Becker (1983). "A Theory of Competition among Pressure Groups for Political Influence". The Quarterly Journal of Economics 98: 371-400.
Gary Becker and Kevin M. Murphy (1988). "A Theory of Rational Addiction". The Journal of Political Economy 96: p. 675-700.
Gary S. Becker (1991). A Treatise on the Family, Harvard University Press, ISBN 0-674-90698-5
Gary S. Becker (1992). "The Economic Way of Looking at Life" (Nobel Prize Lecture).
Gary S. Becker, (1996), Accounting for Tastes, Harvard University Press, ISBN 0-674-54356-4
Gary S. Becker and Kevin M. Murphy, (2001), Social Economics: Market Behavior in a Social Environment,Harvard University Press.


Richard Stone

Sir John Richard Nicholas Stone (August 30, 1913December 6, 1991) was an eminent British economist who in 1984 received the Nobel Memorial Prize in Economic Sciences for developing an accounting model that could be used to track economic activities on a national and, later, an international scale. He is sometimes known as the father of national income accounting, and is an author of studies concerning consumer demand statistics and demand modeling, economic growth, and input-output.
Stone was educated at Westminster School, Cambridge University (Caius and King's). After graduating Cambridge in 1936 and until the World War II he worked at Lloyd's Brokers.

During the war Stone worked with James Meade as a statistician and economist for the British Government. They developed there the early versions of the system of national accounts. After the war Stone worked at Cambridge as the director of a department of Applied Economics (1945– 1955) and as a P.D. Leake professor of finance and accounting (emeritus from 1980).


Gérard Debreu

Gérard Debreu (born July 4, 1921, CalaisDecember 31, 2004, Paris) was a French-born economist and mathematician. In July 1975, he became a naturalized citizen of the United States. Best known as a professor of economics at the University of California, Berkeley, where he began work in 1962, he won the 1983 Nobel Memorial Prize in Economics.
His father was the business partner of his maternal grandfather in lace manufacturing, a traditional industry in Calais.
Just prior to the start of World War II he received his baccalauréat, and went to Ambert to begin preparing for the exam for entering a grande école. Later on he moved from Ambert to Grenoble to complete his preparation, both being in the so-called "Free Zone" during World War II.
In 1941 he was admitted to the École Normale Supérieure in Paris, along with Marcel Boiteux. He was influenced by Henri Cartan and the Bourbaki writers. When he was about to take the final examinations in 1944, D-Day arrived and he instead enlisted in the French army. He was transferred for training to Algeria and then served in French occupational forces in Germany until July 1945.
Debreu passed the Agrégation de Mathématiques exams at the end of 1945 and the beginning of 1946. By this time he had become interested in economics, particularly the general equilibrium theory of Leon Walras. From 1946 to 1948, he was an assistant in the Centre National de la Recherche Scientifique. During these two and a half years he made the transition from mathematics to economics.
In 1948, Debreu came to the USA on a Rockefeller Fellowship which allowed him to visit several American universities, as well as those in Uppsala and Oslo in 1949-50. Debreu began working as a Research Association and joined the Cowles Commission at the University of Chicago in the summer of 1950.
There he remained for five years, returning to Paris periodically. In 1954 he published a breakthrough paper titled Existence of an Equilibrium for a Competitive Economy (together with Kenneth Arrow), in which they provided a definitive mathematical proof of the existence of general equilibrium, using topological rather than calculus methods.
In 1955 he moved to Yale University. In 1959 he published his classical monograph, Theory of Value: An Axiomatic Analysis of Economic Equilibrium, (Cowles Foundation Monographs Series), which is one of the most important works in mathematical economics. He also studied several problems in the theory of cardinal utility, the additive decomposition of a utility function defined on a Cartesian product of sets.
In this monograph, Debreu sets up an axiomatic foundation for competitive markets. He establishes the existence of equilibrium using a novel approach. The main idea is to show that there exists a price system for which the aggregate excess demand correspondence vanishes. He does so by proving a type of fixed point theorem based on the Kakutani fixed point theorem. In Chapter 7 of the book Debreu introduces uncertainty and shows how it can be incorporated into the deterministic model. Here he introduces the notion of a contingent commodity, which is a promise to deliver a good should a state of nature realize. This concept is very frequently used in financial economics as a so called Arrow Debreu security.
In 1960-61, he worked at the Center for Advanced Study in the Behavioral Sciences at Stanford and devoted mostly to the complex proof that appeared in 1962 of a general theorem on the existence of an economic equilibrium.
In January 1962, he started worked at the University of California, Berkeley where he held the title University Professor and Class of 1958 Professor of Economics and Mathematics Emeritus. During his leaves in late sixties and seventies he visited universities in Leiden, Cambridge, Bonn, and Paris.
His later studies centred mainly on the theory of differentiable economies where he showed that in general aggregate excess demand functions vanish at a finite number of points. Basically, showing that economies have a finite number of price equilibria.
In 1976 he received the French Legion of Honor. He was awarded the 1983 Bank of Sweden Prize in Economic Sciences in Memory of Alfred Nobel for having incorporated new analytical methods into economic theory and for his rigorous reformulation of general equilibrium theory. He was member of the International Academy of Science.
In 1990, he served as President of the American Economic Association.
Debreu married Françoise Bled in 1946 and had two daughters, Chantal and Florence, born in 1946 and 1950 respectively.
Debreu died in Paris at age 83 of natural causes on New Year's Eve, 2004 and was interred in the Père Lachaise Cemetery.


James Tobin
Born
March 5, 1918(1918-03-05)Champaign, Illinois, USA
Died
March 11, 2002 (aged 84)New Haven, Connecticut, USA
Nationality
United States
Fields
Economics
Institutions
Yale UniversityCowles Commission
Alma mater
Harvard University
Doctoral advisor
Joseph Schumpeter
Known for
Portfolio theoryKeynesian economicsTobin's qTobit model
Notable awards
John Bates Clark Medal (1955)Nobel Prize in Economics (1981)
James Tobin (March 5, 1918 – March 11, 2002) was an American economist. Tobin advocated and developed the ideas of Keynesian economics. He believed that governments should intervene in the economy in order to stabilize output and avoid recessions. His academic work included pioneering contributions to the study of investment, monetary and fiscal policy and financial markets. Furthermore, he proposed an econometric model for censored endogenous variables, the well known "Tobit model".
Outside of academia, Tobin became widely known for his suggestion of a tax on foreign exchange transactions, now known as the "Tobin tax". This was designed to reduce speculation on currency markets, which he saw as unproductive. He also suggested that the proceeds of the tax could be used to fund projects for the benefit of Third World countries, or to support the United Nations.


Biography

Early life
James Tobin was born on March 5, 1918 in Champaign, Illinois. His parents were Louis Michael Tobin, a journalist working at the University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign, and Margaret Edgerton Tobin, a social worker. Tobin followed primary school at the University Laboratory High School of Urbana, Illinois, a laboratory school in the university's campus.
In 1935, on his father's advice, Tobin took the entrance exams for Harvard University. Despite no special preparation for the exams, he passed and was admitted with a national scholarship from the university. During his studies he first read Keynes' General Theory of Employment, Interest and Money, published in 1936. Tobin graduated summa cum laude in 1939 with a thesis centered on a critical analysis of Keynes' mechanism for introducing equilibrium "involuntary" unemployment. His first published article, in 1941, was based on this senior's thesis.[2]
Tobin immediately started graduate studies, also at Harvard, earning his M.A. degree in 1940. Here he had among his professors Joseph Schumpeter, Alvin Hansen, Gottfried Haberler, Sumner Slichter, Seymour Harris, Edward Mason, Edward Chamberlin, and Wassily Leontief, while the graduate students included Paul Samuelson, Lloyd Metzler, John Kenneth Galbraith, Abram Bergson, Richard Musgrave and Richard M. Goodwin. In 1941, he interrupted graduate studies to work for the Office of Price Administration and Civilian Supply and the War Production Board in Washington, D.C.. The next year, after the United States entered World War II, he enrolled in the US Navy, spending the war as an officer on a destroyer. At the end of the war he returned to Harvard and resumed studies, receiving his Ph.D. in 1947 with a thesis on the consumption function written under the supervision of Joseph Schumpeter. In 1947 Tobin was elected a Junior Fellow of Harvard's Society of Fellows, which allowed him the freedom and funding to spend the next three years studying and doing research.

Academic activity and consultancy
In 1950 Tobin moved to Yale University, where he remained for the rest of his career. He joined the Cowles Foundation, which moved to Yale in 1955, also serving as its president between 1955-1961 and 1964-1965. His main research interest was to provide microfoundations to Keynesian economics, with a special focus on monetary economics. In 1957 he was appointed Sterling Professor at Yale.
Besides teaching and research, Tobin was also strongly involved in the public life, writing on current economic issues and serving as an economic expert and policy consultant. During 1961-62, he served as a member of John F. Kennedy's Council of Economic Advisors, under the chairman Walter Heller, then acted as a consultant between 1962-68. Here, in close collaboration with Arthur Okun, Robert Solow and Kenneth Arrow, he helped design the Keynesian economic policy implemented by the Kennedy administration. Tobin also served for several terms as a member of the Board of Governors of Federal Reserve System Academic Consultants and as a consultant of the US Treasury Department.
Tobin was awarded the John Bates Clark Medal in 1955 and, in 1981, the Nobel Memorial Prize in Economics. He was a fellow of several professional associations, holding the position of president of the American Economic Association in 1971.
In 1972 Tobin, along with fellow Yale economics professor William Nordhaus, published Is Growth Obsolete[5], an article that introduced the Measure of Economic Welfare as the first model for economic sustainability assessment.
In 1988 Tobin formally retired from Yale, but continued to deliver some lectures as Professor Emeritus and continued to write. He died on March 11, 2002, in New Haven, Connecticut.
Tobin was a trustee of the Economists for Peace and Security.

Personal life
James Tobin married on September 14, 1946 with Elizabeth Fay Ringo, a former M.I.T. student of Paul Samuelson. They had four children: Margaret Ringo (born in 1948), Louis Michael (born in 1951), Hugh Ringo (born in 1953) and Roger Gill (born in 1956).
Publications
Tobin, James (1941). "A note on the money wage problem". Quarterly Journal of Economics 55: 508–516. doi:10.2307/1885642.
Tobin, James (1955). "A Dynamic Aggregative Model". Journal of Political Economy 63.2: 103–15. doi:10.1086/257652.
Tobin, James (1958). "Liquidity Preference as Behavior Towards Risk". Review of Economic Studies 25.1: 65–86.
Tobin, James (1969). "A General Equilibrium Approach to Monetary Theory". Journal of Money, Credit, and Banking 1.1: 15–29. doi:10.2307/1991374.
Tobin, James and William C. Brainard (1977). "Asset Markets and the Cost of Capital". In Richard Nelson and Bela Balassa, eds., Economic Progress: Private Values and Public Policy (Essays in Honor of William Fellner), Amsterdam: North-Holland, 235-62.